Catalogue


Putinism : the slow rise of a radical right regime in Russia /
Marcel H. Van Herpen.
imprint
Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, c2013
description
xiii, 278 p.
ISBN
1137282800 (hardback), 9781137282804 (hardback)
format(s)
Book
Holdings
More Details
imprint
Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, c2013
isbn
1137282800 (hardback)
9781137282804 (hardback)
contents note
Machine generated contents note: -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- PART I: 'WEIMAR RUSSIA'? THE VALIDITY OF A HISTORICAL PARALLEL -- Russia And The Weimar Republic: Does A 'Weimar Parallel' Exist? -- The 'Weimar Parallel': Economic, Political, And Societal Aspects -- The 'Weimar Parallel' - Socio-Psychological Aspects -- Post-Imperial Pain And The Making Of A New National Myth -- PART II: THE SPECTER OF A FASCIST RUSSIA -- What Is Fascism? -- Defining Fascism: The Thin Method -- Defining Fascism: The Thick Method -- Putinism And Fascism: The Eleven Differences (Part I) -- Putinism And Fascism: The Eleven Differences (Part Ii) -- PART III: PUTINISM, BONAPARTISM, AND BERLUSCONISM -- Putinism And Bonapartism: The Ten Resemblances -- Putinism And Berlusconism -- Putinism: A Hybrid Mixture Of Mussolinian Fascism, Bonapartism, And Berlusconism.
abstract
"This book aims to provide an important insight into the essence of Putinism and the political system he has established in Russia over the past decade. Van Herpen compares in detail the many and often surprising parallels that exist between Vladimir Putin's regime in Russia and that of Weimar Germany and Mussolini's Italy indicating the presence of strong Fascist elements in the contemporary Russian Political system. However, this is tempered with elements of Bonapartism from Napoleon III's France and the populism of Italian politics under Berlusconi creating a hybrid system which has been termed 'Fascism-Lite' with a softer face than Mussolinian Fascism but still containing a hard core of ultra-nationalism, militarism and neo-imperialism. The author not only looks at Putin's regime in retrospect but also offers an insight into the future of the Russian political system as Russia's strong man begins his third term in office"--
catalogue key
8785026
 
Includes bibliographical references (p. 256-264) and index.
A Look Inside
About the Author
Author Affiliation
Marcel H. Van Herpen is a sociologist. He is director of The Cicero Foundation, an independent pro-EU think tank based in Maastricht (The Netherlands) and Pairs (France) which specializes in discussions on the future development of the European Union. He is a regular collaborator with the US think tank The National Interest. His research interests include defence and security developments in Central a Eastern Europe.
Summaries
Bowker Data Service Summary
In this original analysis of contemporary Russia, the author shows how Putin's regime is a completely new, right-wing political model that combines features of Mussolini's Italy with the 19th century Bonapartism of Napoleon III and 21st century populism of Berlusconi.
Description for Bookstore
This book offers novel and unexpected insights into Putin's political system, a hybrid form of 'facism lite' combining features of regimes from Napoleon III to Mussolini and Berlusconi
Long Description
This book aims to provide an important insight into the essence of Putinism and the political system he has established in Russia over the past decade. Van Herpen compares in detail the many and often surprising parallels that exist between Vladimir Putin's regime in Russia and that of Weimar Germany and Mussolini's Italy indicating the presence of strong Fascist elements in the contemporary Russian Political system. However, this is tempered with elements of Bonapartism from Napoleon III's France and the populism of Italian politics under Berlusconi creating a hybrid system which has been termed 'Fascism-Lite' with a softer face than Mussolinian Fascism but still containing a hard core of ultra-nationalism, militarism and neo-imperialism. The author not only looks at Putin's regime in retrospect but also offers an insight into the future of the Russian political system as Russia's strong man begins his third term in office.
Table of Contents
List of Tablesp. xii
Acknowledgmentsp. xiii
Introductionp. 1
Defining Putin's systemp. 1
The purported lack of democratic ambition of the "Russian character"p. 3
A counter-example of this "lack of interest"p. 4
"Weimar Russia": The validity of a historical parallelp. 6
Putinism is not a fixed, but a dynamic categoryp. 6
Putin, Napoleon III, and Berlusconip. 7
Putinism: An unstable system of hybrid "fascism lite"?p. 8
"Weimar Russia": The Validity of a Historical Parallel
Russia and the Weimar Republic: Does a "Weimar Parallel" Exist?p. 13
Introduction: The danger of Praetorianismp. 13
From optimism to pessimismp. 14
The Weimar Parallel: The maturing processp. 17
The Weimar Parallel: Its five clustersp. 19
Geographical and demographic aspectsp. 21
Lost territories: The great amputationp. 21
Weimar Germany and post-Soviet Russia: Two divided countriesp. 21
National minorities: A ticking time bomb?p. 22
The "Weimar Parallel": Economic, Political, and Societal Aspectsp. 26
Three economic crisesp. 26
Simultaneity of problemsp. 29
Praetorianism and the emergence of mass democracyp. 29
Extremist political parriesp. 30
The undermining role of old elites in Weimar and post-Soviet Russiap. 34
The struggle for political symbols: The flag and the anthemp. 36
The installation of authoritarian rulep. 38
The proliferation of crime and political murderp. 40
Overcrowded prisonsp. 43
Baby booms and angry young menp. 44
Bribery and corruptionp. 45
An uncivil civil society: Lacking trust and social capitalp. 48
The "Weimar Parallel": Socio-Psychological Aspectsp. 55
Feelings of humiliationp. 55
The "stab in the back" legend in Weimarp. 56
The "stab in the back" legend in post-Soviet Russiap. 57
Conspiracy theories: Combating internal and external foesp. 58
Managing guilt: The unbearable burdenp. 60
Stalinist atrocitiesp. 61
The Ukrainian Holodomor: A genocide?p. 63
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and the annexation of the Baltic statesp. 65
Assigning and refusing blame: Are there opposed moral settings?p. 69
The Russian "commission to counteract attempts at falsifying history"p. 70
An example of "de-falsification": Poland's role in World War IIp. 72
Establishing "historical truth" or fighting untruths?p. 73
Post-Imperial Pain and the Making of a New National Myth: The "Weimar Parallel": Socio-Psychological Aspects (Continued)p. 76
Post-imperial pain: Anger, pessimism, and mystical expectations of a great futurep. 76
Dreams of the past: The dangerous nostalgiap. 78
From gloom to inflated visions of the futurep. 80
The end of Communism and Russia's search for a new national mythp. 81
Grandiose imperialist visions: The world according to Igor Panarinp. 82
Aleksandr Dugin's Russian fascismp. 83
The imperialist dreams of Vladimir Zhirinovskyp. 85
Anonymous Russian monarchists: Tsar Putin?p. 87
Russian castration anxiety and Western fear mongers: Emmanuel Todd and George Friedmanp. 91
Xenophobia, racism, and ultra-nationalism: The neo-Nazi revival in Russiap. 93
Conclusionp. 96
The Specter of a Fascist Russia
What is Fascism?p. 101
Introduction: Putin the macho manp. 101
Russia: A "normal" authoritarian state?p. 103
Russia: An "unconsolidated fascist state"?p. 104
Fascism and the ideology of national rebirthp. 106
Putin's crypto-imperialismp. 106
Fascism: A "container concept"?p. 109
Ur-Fascism?p. 110
Fascism: A unique historical phenomenon or a universal concept?p. 111
Fascism: Deflating of a conceptp. 113
Thin and thick methods: Formulating abstract definitions or building ideal types?p. 114
Defining Fascism: The "Thin" Methodp. 116
The thin method: Roger Griffin's "fascist minimum"p. 116
A critique of Roger Griffin's definitionp. 117
The three sources of the fascist imperialist drivep. 119
The omnipresence of war in fascist ideology and praxisp. 122
War as an eventp. 122
War as an attitudep. 123
War as a source of recruitmentp. 124
War as a meansp. 125
War as an ideologyp. 125
Defining Fascism: The "Thick" Methodp. 127
The four dimensions of the ideal typep. 127
A political party with young middle-class leaders and its own party militiap. 127
A mythical political religion emphasizing virility and the leader principlep. 129
Ultra-nationalism, racism, and the restoration of national greatnessp. 131
The symbiosis of party and state, corporatism, totalitarian control and an imperialist foreign policyp. 133
Discussionp. 135
Putinism and Fascism: The 11 Differences (Part I)p. 137
The 11 differences: An introductionp. 137
Taking power or receiving power? Putin's successful infiltration strategyp. 138
A post-hoc role for a presidential political partyp. 139
The presidential party as a "centrist" partyp. 139
No party militiasp. 140
The Kremlin's official "anti-fascism"p. 140
The absence of state sponsored racismp. 143
The absence of totalitarianismp. 145
The role of the Orthodox Churchp. 147
Putinism and Fascism: The 11 Differences (Part II)p. 153
The Siloviki: A new power elitep. 153
The Chekist legacy: A regime created by the secret policep. 155
Recomposing the divided beast: Toward a re-emergence of the former KGB?p. 158
The role of the Mafiap. 160
Putin's Russia as a "Pluralist Western-style democracy"p. 161
Are the 11 differences relevant?p. 163
The "Putinist dynamic of change", 2000-2012p. 166
Putinism, Bonapartism, and Berlusconism
Putinism and Bonapartism: The Ten Resemblancesp. 171
Introductionp. 171
Putinism and Bonapartism: The ten resemblancesp. 171
Napoleon Ill's democratic facadep. 172
Censorship and the suppression of the free pressp. 175
The relative independence of the statep. 176
An outsider takes powerp. 176
Law and order and the secret policep. 177
An ideology of national consensusp. 179
Bonapartism: Neither racist nor totalitarianp. 181
Religion in the service of the statep. 183
National prestige and modernizationp. 184
The belligerent empirep. 185
Discussionp. 186
Putinism and Berlusconismp. 189
Berlusconi and Putin: The friendship of two Botoxed politiciansp. 189
Putinism and Berlusconism: Some striking similaritiesp. 192
Berlusconi and Mussolinip. 193
Globalization and the ethos of personal enrichmentp. 195
Globalization and the Mafiap. 198
Putinism: A Hybrid Mixture of Mussolinian Fascism, Bonapartism, and Berlusconismp. 202
Putinism is a system of its own kindp. 202
Putinism is a right-wing radical systemp. 203
The Putinist dynamic: Why we can expect a further radicalization of the regimep. 205
Notesp. 209
Bibliographyp. 256
Indexp. 265
Table of Contents provided by Ingram. All Rights Reserved.

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