Catalogue


Political romanticism /
Carl Schmitt ; translated by Guy Oakes ; with a new introduction by Graham McAleer.
imprint
New Brunswick, N.J. : Transaction Publishers, c2011.
description
xlix, 178 p. ; 23 cm.
ISBN
1412814723 (pbk : alk. paper), 9781412814720 (pbk : alk. paper)
format(s)
Book
Holdings
More Details
imprint
New Brunswick, N.J. : Transaction Publishers, c2011.
isbn
1412814723 (pbk : alk. paper)
9781412814720 (pbk : alk. paper)
general note
Originally published: Cambridge, Mass. : MIT Press, c1986. With new introd.
catalogue key
8435012
 
Includes bibliographical references and index.
A Look Inside
About the Author
Author Affiliation
Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) was a political theorist best known for his work on the wielding of political power, German jurist, and professor of law at many universities, including the University of Greifswald, University of Berlin, and University of Cologne. Some of his most famous writings include The Tyranny of Values, Theory of the Partisan, and On the Three Types of Juristic Thought. Guy Oakes is professor of philosophy and Jack T. Kvernland Professor at Monmouth University. His main research includes the history and philosophy of the social sciences and the sociology of ethics. Graham McAleer is professor of philosophy and co-chair of the Catholic Social Thought Committee at Loyola College in Maryland.
Full Text Reviews
Appeared in Choice on 1987-07-08:
Neither Schmitt in his polemic nor Oakes in his summary address a central issue: the question of legitimate political authority in 20th-century industrial states. ``This ... is the core of political romanticism,'' writes Schmitt: ``The state is a work of art.'' But the Third Reich that Schmitt served was founded on a version of this: the state is an act of will. Oakes does not disguise or diminish the place and significance of Schmitt's accommodation to National Socialism or his work in support of the Nazi regime. But he goes on to summarize and justify Schmitt's interpretation of romanticism in politics by applying the view Schmitt develops to exemplars of the politics of the American '60s, notably Charles Reich and Norman Mailer. Schmitt's arguments, especially in the chapter on political romanticism, do support Oakes's comparisons. Schmitt also, in repetitive attacks on Schlegel and some followers, exposes the quality of revolutionary romanticism. This work of Schmitt's is of historical interest, but its references will be clear only to readers well prepared in 19th-century German and European history. The question of legitimate political authority is still open. Students of the issue would be well advised to read the work of J. Habermas and others of the Frankfurt School. This is a readable translation, well produced and provided with a serviceable index. For advanced readers.-J. Bailiff, University of Wisconsin Center System
Reviews
Review Quotes
"Characteristic of Schmitt's artfully crafted prose is a shrewd oscillation between the cold and the feverish, the academic and the prophetic, the analytical and the mythical.... His books plait together sober theoretical observations with near-ecstatic political intimations. (Suggesting that the direction of world history is at stake, he can make discussions of constitutional technicalities glow incandescently.) ... Because of their mixture of sober insight and apocalyptic pretension, his writings remain arresting - and disquieting." - Stephen Holmes, The New Republic
"Characteristic of Schmitt's artfully crafted prose is a shrewd oscillation between the cold and the feverish, the academic and the prophetic, the analytical and the mythical.... His books plait together sober theoretical observations with near-ecstatic political intimations. (Suggesting that the direction of world history is at stake, he can make discussions of constitutional technicalities glow incandescently.) ... Because of their mixture of sober insight and apocalyptic pretension, his writings remain arresting - and disquieting." Stephen Holmes, The New Republic
This item was reviewed in:
Reference & Research Book News, April 2011
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Summaries
Bowker Data Service Summary
A pioneer in legal and political theory, Schmitt traces the prehistory of political romanticism by examining its relationship to revolutionary and reactionary tendencies in modern European history.
Main Description
A pioneer in legal and political theory, Schmitt traces the prehistory of political romanticism by examining its relationship to revolutionary and reactionary tendencies in modern European history. Both the partisans of the French Revolution and its most embittered enemies were numbered among the romantics. During the movement for German national unity at the beginning of the nineteenth century, both revolutionaries and reactionaries counted themselves as romantics. According to Schmitt, the use of the concept to designate opposed political positions results from the character of political romanticism: its unpredictable quality and lack of commitment to any substantive political position. The romantic person acts in such a way that his imagination can be affected. He acts insofar as he is moved. Thus an action is not a performance or something one does, but rather an affect or a mood, something one feels. The product of an action is not a result that can be evaluated according to moral standards, but rather an emotional experience that can be judged only in aesthetic and emotive terms. These observations lead Schmitt to a profound reflection on the shortcomings of liberal politics. Apart from the liberal rule of law and its institution of an autonomous private sphere, the romantic inner sanctum of purely personal experience could not exist. Without the security of the private realm, the romantic imagination would be subject to unpredictable incursions. Only in a bourgeois world can the individual become both absolutely sovereign and thoroughly privatized: a master builder in the cathedral of his personality. An adequate political order cannot be maintained on such a tolerant individualism, concludes Schmitt.
Main Description
A pioneer in legal and political theory, Schmitt traces the prehistory of political romanticism by examining its relationship to revolutionary and reactionary tendencies in modern European history. Both the partisans of the French Revolution and its most embittered enemies were numbered among the romantics. During the movement for German national unity at the beginning of the nineteenth century, both revolutionaries and reactionaries counted themselves as romantics. According to Schmitt, the use of the concept to designate opposed political positions results from the character of political romanticism: its unpredictable quality and lack of commitment to any substantive political position. The romantic person acts in such a way that his imagination can be affected. He acts insofar as he is moved. Thus an action is not a performance or something one does, but rather an affect or a mood, something one feels. The product of an action is not a result that can be evaluated according to moral standards, but rather an emotional experience that can be judged only in aesthetic and emotive terms. These observations lead Schmitt to a profound reflection on the shortcomings of liberal politics. Apart from the liberal rule of law and its institution of an autonomous private sphere, the romantic inner sanctum of purely personal experience could not exist. Without the security of the private realm, the romantic imagination would be subject to unpredictable incursions. Only in a bourgeois world can the individual become both absolutely sovereign and thoroughly privatied: a master builder in the cathedral of his personality. An adequate political order cannot be maintained on such a tolerant individualism, concludes Schmitt. Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) was a political theorist best known for his work on the wielding of political power, German jurist, and professor of law at many universities, including the University of Greifswald, University of Berlin, and University of Cologne. Some of his most famous writings include The Tyranny of Values, Theory of the Partisan, and On the Three Types of Juristic Thought. Guy Oakes is professor of philosophy and Jack T. Kvernland Professor at Monmouth University. His main research includes the history and philosophy of the social sciences and the sociology of ethics. Graham McAleer is professor of philosophy and co-chair of the Catholic Social Thought Committee at Loyola College in Maryland.
Main Description
A pioneer in legal and political theory, Schmitt traces the prehistory of political romanticism by examining its relationship to revolutionary and reactionary tendencies in modern European history. Both the partisans of the French Revolution and its most embittered enemies were numbered among the romantics. During the movement for German national unity at the beginning of the nineteenth century, both revolutionaries and reactionaries counted themselves as romantics. According to Schmitt, the use of the concept to designate opposed political positions results from the character of political romanticism: its unpredictable quality and lack of commitment to any substantive political position. The romantic person acts in such a way that his imagination can be affected. He acts insofar as he is moved. Thus an action is not a performance or something one does, but rather an affect or a mood, something one feels. The product of an action is not a result that can be evaluated according to moral standards, but rather an emotional experience that can be judged only in aesthetic and emotive terms. These observations lead Schmitt to a profound reflection on the shortcomings of liberal politics. Apart from the liberal rule of law and its institution of an autonomous private sphere, the romantic inner sanctum of purely personal experience could not exist. Without the security of the private realm, the romantic imagination would be subject to unpredictable incursions. Only in a bourgeois world can the individual become both absolutely sovereign and thoroughly privatized: a master builder in the cathedral of his personality. An adequate political order cannot be maintained on such a tolerant individualism, concludes Schmitt.Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) was a political theorist best known for his work on the wielding of political power, German jurist, and professor of law at many universities, including the University of Greifswald, University of Berlin, and University of Cologne. Some of his most famous writings include The Tyranny of Values , Theory of the Partisan , and On the Three Types of Juristic Thought .Guy Oakes is professor of philosophy and Jack T. Kvernland Professor at Monmouth University. His main research includes the history and philosophy of the social sciences and the sociology of ethics.Graham McAleer is professor of philosophy and co-chair of the Catholic Social Thought Committee at Loyola College in Maryland.
Table of Contents
Introduction to the Transaction Editionp. ix
Translator's Introductionp. xxiii
Prefacep. 1
Introductionp. 22
The German conception: political romanticism as an ideology of reaction and restorationp. 22
The French conception: romanticism as a revolutionary principle; Rousseauismp. 25
The explanation of revolution in terms of the esprit romantique and the esprit classiquep. 28
The confusion of the concept of political romanticism and the path to a definitionp. 29
The Outward Situationp. 35
The personal political significance of romantic writers in Germanyp. 35
Schlegel's political insignificancep. 37
Müller's political development: an Anglophile in Göttingen, a feudal and estatist-conservative anticentralist in Berlin, a functionary of the absolutist centralized state in the Tyrolp. 39
The Structure of the Romantic Spiritp. 51
La recherche de la Réalitép. 51
The occasionalist structure of romanticismp. 78
Political Romanticismp. 109
Survey of the development of theories of the state since 1796p. 109
The difference between the romantic conception of the state and the counterrevolutionary and legitimist conceptionp. 115
The state and the king as occasional objects of romantic interestp. 123
The romantic incapacity for ethical and legal valuationp. 124
Romanticized ideas in political philosophyp. 125
Adam Müller's productivity: his mode of argumentation: the rhetorically formed resonance of significant impressions; his antitheses: rhetorical contrastsp. 127
The occasional character of all romanticized objectsp. 144
Brief indication of the difference between political romanticism and a romantic politics: In the latter, it is the effect and not the cause that is occasionalp. 149
Excursus: the romantic as a political type in the conception of the liberal bourgeoisie, exemplified by David Friedrich Strauss's Julian the Apostatep. 149
Conclusion: political romanticism as the concomitant emotive response to political eventsp. 158
Notesp. 163
Indexp. 169
Table of Contents provided by Ingram. All Rights Reserved.

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