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The ghost of Jim Crow [electronic resource] : how Southern moderates used Brown v. Board of Education to stall civil rights /
Anders Walker.
imprint
New York ; Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2009.
description
272 p. ; 24 cm.
ISBN
9780195181746
format(s)
Book
Holdings
More Details
imprint
New York ; Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2009.
isbn
9780195181746
restrictions
Licensed for access by U. of T. users.
abstract
This title is an interpretation of the civil rights movement through the work of Southern moderates whose opposition to integration was far quieter than massive resisters with far-reaching effects.
catalogue key
7062458
 
Electronic reproduction. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2009. (Oxford Scholarship Online). Mode of access: World Wide Web. System requirements: Internet Explorer 6.0 (or higher) or Firefox 2.0 (or higher). Available as searchable text in HTML format. Access restricted to subscribing institutions.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
A Look Inside
Full Text Reviews
Appeared in Choice on 2010-09-01:
Walker's book features the legal strategies of J. P. Coleman of Mississippi, Luther Hodges of North Carolina, and LeRoy Collins of Florida to sidestep the US Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education to desegregate public schools without violating federal law. These governors discredited extremist groups that violently attacked black citizens, and county sheriffs who turned a blind eye toward such crimes. They circumscribed sheriffs' authority with state police units. In addition, the states adopted student placement procedures based on supposedly neutral criteria concerning academic, economic, and moral factors. These governors also made the problem of integration a black problem rather than one of white discrimination or a state's violation of constitutional rulings. They focused attention on illegitimate births, common-law marriages, juvenile delinquency, and sexual deviance as black problems. This fine book demonstrates how moderates' views of civil rights--especially the principle of local control of schools and the backlash against affirmative action in employment--influenced federal judiciary decisions in the 1960s-70s. Law professor Walker (Saint Louis Univ.) successfully ties his detailed case studies together with a compelling interpretation of the logic and legacy of southern moderates' subversion of civil rights. Summing Up: Highly recommended. Upper-division undergraduates and above. M. Greenwald University of Pittsburgh
Reviews
Review Quotes
"Walker has made an important addition to the scholarship of the civil rights era. The Ghost of Jim Crow is brief, exhaustively documented...and still fresh enough to be relevant." -- Tallahasee.com
"Walker has made an important addition to the scholarship of the civil rights era. The Ghost of Jim Crow is brief, exhaustively documented...and still fresh enough to be relevant." -- Tallahasee.com " The Ghost of Jim Crow is a worthwhile addition to the historiography of the civil rights movement and its opponents that adds a previously underdeveloped layer of nuance to the academic discussion." -- North Carolina Historical Review
"Walker has made an important addition to the scholarship of the civil rights era. The Ghost of Jim Crow is brief, exhaustively documented...and still fresh enough to be relevant." --Tallahasee.com "The Ghost of Jim Crow is a worthwhile addition to the historiography of the civil rights movement and its opponents that adds a previously underdeveloped layer of nuance to the academic discussion." --North Carolina Historical Review "[Walker's] provocative and thoughtful thesis...deserves wider application and development in understanding the various and multifaceted ways in which whites responded to the prospect of school desegregation in particular and racial change more broadly." --Arkansas Historical Quarterly "The great strength of Walker's argument is its focus on the quieter, bureaucratic attempts to preserve segregation in contrast to the massive resistance of white extremists and their political allies...well-written, extensively documented, and very interesting." --H-Net Reviews
This item was reviewed in:
Choice, September 2010
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Summaries
Bowker Data Service Summary
This title is an interpretation of the civil rights movement through the work of Southern moderates whose opposition to integration was far quieter than massive resisters with far-reaching effects.
Main Description
In "Letter from Birmingham Jail," Martin Luther King, Jr. asserted that "the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to 'order' than to justice." To date, our understanding of the Civil Rights era has been largely defined by high-profile public events such as the crisis at Little Rock high school, bus boycotts, and sit-ins-incidents that were met with massive resistance and brutality. The resistance of Southern moderates to racial integration was much less public and highly insidious, with far-reaching effects. The Ghost of Jim Crow draws long-overdue attention to the moderate tactics that stalled the progress of racial equality in the South. Anders Walker explores how three moderate Southern governors formulated masked resistance in the wake of Brown v. Board of Education. J. P. Coleman in Mississippi, Luther Hodges in North Carolina, and LeRoy Collins in Florida each developed workable, lasting strategies to neutralize black political activists and control white extremists. Believing it possible to reinterpret Brown on their own terms, these governors drew on creative legal solutions that allowed them to perpetuate segregation without overtly defying the federal government. Hodges, Collins, and Coleman instituted seemingly neutral criteria--academic, economic, and moral--in place of racial classifications, thereby laying the foundations for a new way of rationalizing racial inequality. Rather than focus on legal repression, they endorsed cultural pluralism and uplift, claiming that black culture was unique and should be preserved, free from white interference. Meanwhile, they invalidated common law marriages and cut state benefits to unwed mothers, then judged black families for having low moral standards. They expanded the jurisdiction of state police and established agencies like the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission to control unrest. They hired black informants, bribed black leaders, and dramatically expanded the reach of the state into private life. Through these tactics, they hoped to avoid violent Civil Rights protests that would draw negative attention to their states and confirm national opinions of the South as backward. By crafting positive images of their states as tranquil and free of racial unrest, they hoped to attract investment and expand southern economic development. In reward for their work, John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson appointed them to positions in the federal government, defying notions that Republicans were the only party to absorb southern segregationists and stall civil rights. An eye-opening approach to law and politics in the Civil Rights era, The Ghost of Jim Crow looks beyond extremism to highlight some of the subversive tactics that prolonged racial inequality.
Main Description
In "Letter from Birmingham Jail," Martin Luther King, Jr. asserted that "the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to 'order' than to justice." To date, ourunderstanding of the Civil Rights era has been largely defined by high-profile public events such as the crisis at Little Rock high school, bus boycotts, and sit-ins-incidents that were met with massive resistance and brutality. The resistance of Southern moderates to racial integration was muchless public and highly insidious, with far-reaching effects. The Ghost of Jim Crow draws long-overdue attention to the moderate tactics that stalled the progress of racial equality in the South. Anders Walker explores how three moderate Southern governors formulated masked resistance in the wake of Brown v. Board of Education. J. P. Coleman in Mississippi, Luther Hodges in North Carolina, and LeRoy Collins in Florida each developed workable, lasting strategies to neutralize black politicalactivists and control white extremists. Believing it possible to reinterpret Brown on their own terms, these governors drew on creative legal solutions that allowed them to perpetuate segregation without overtly defying the federal government. Hodges, Collins, and Coleman instituted seeminglyneutral criteria-academic, economic, and moral-in place of racial classifications, thereby laying the foundations for a new way of rationalizing racial inequality. Rather than focus on legal repression, they endorsed cultural pluralism and uplift, claiming that black culture was unique and shouldbe preserved, free from white interference. Meanwhile, they invalidated common law marriages and cut state benefits to unwed mothers, then judged black families for having low moral standards. They expanded the jurisdiction of state police and established agencies like the Mississippi SovereigntyCommission to control unrest. They hired black informants, bribed black leaders, and dramatically expanded the reach of the state into private life. Through these tactics, they hoped to avoid violent Civil Rights protests that would draw negative attention to their states and confirm nationalopinions of the South as backward. By crafting positive images of their states as tranquil and free of racial unrest, they hoped to attract investment and expand southern economic development. In reward for their work, John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson appointed them to positions in the federalgovernment, defying notions that Republicans were the only party to absorb southern segregationists and stall civil rights.An eye-opening approach to law and politics in the Civil Rights era, The Ghost of Jim Crow looks beyond extremism to highlight some of the subversive tactics that prolonged racial inequality.
Table of Contents
Introduction: Southerners of the True Southp. 3
"Means and Methods": J.P. Coleman Limits Brown in Mississippip. 11
"Legal Means": Luther Hodges Limits Brown in North Carolinap. 49
"Lawful and Peaceful Means": LeRoy Collins Limits Brown in Floridap. 85
The Processes of Law: Collins, Hodges, and Coleman Join the Federal Governmentp. 117
Conclusion: Southern Moderates and the Second Redemptionp. 155
Notesp. 163
Bibliographyp. 221
Indexp. 235
Table of Contents provided by Ingram. All Rights Reserved.

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