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Giuliani : flawed or flawless? the oral biography /
Deborah Hart Strober, Gerald S. Strober.
imprint
Hoboken, N.J. : John Wiley & Sons, 2007.
description
xx, 332 p.
ISBN
0471738352 (cloth)
format(s)
Book
Holdings
More Details
added author
imprint
Hoboken, N.J. : John Wiley & Sons, 2007.
isbn
0471738352 (cloth)
general note
Includes index.
catalogue key
6095107
A Look Inside
Excerpts
Flap Copy
In the fall of 2001, a lame-duck mayor became the most admired man in America, and perhaps the world. Displaying enormous personal courage, boundless energy, and utter confidence in his ability to lead, Rudolph Giuliani took charge of his city's response to the 9/11 attacks while state and federal authorities were still paralyzed by shock. But who is Rudy Giuliani? What insights would his friends, associates, allies, and enemies offer to explain what makes him tick; how he responded--or contributed--to other crises during his term as mayor; and, should he choose to seek higher office, how he might perform as president? Giuliani presents a living portrait of one of the most prominent and controversial politicians of our era in the words of those who know him best. Featuring more than forty interviews with longtime political associates, teachers, protegees, and friends, as well as his opponents, critics, and other astute political observers, it offers deep and revealing insights into the political and personal evolution of America's most famous ex-mayor. Former Pennsylvania governor Dick Thornburgh recalls Giuliani's days as the number-three man at the Justice Department and explains why Rudy may have wanted to be "demoted" to U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York (SDNY). Was Giuliani a hard-nosed prosecutor, a shameless self-promoter, or both? Did his political ambition influence his prosecutorial decisions? Assistant U.S. attorneys who worked under Giuliani discuss his most controversial cases, along with a number of defendants, their attorneys, and key witnesses. Former New York mayors David Dinkins and Edward Koch join a host of prominent city politicians, attorneys, and community activists to analyze and comment on Giuliani's eight years as mayor. They examine his stern and innovative approaches to crime prevention; tough policies on welfare reform; contentious relationships with minorities and city employees; and his handling of the police-brutality case involving the abuse of Abner Louima and the shootings of Amadou Diallo and Patrick Dorismond. From divorce lawyer Raoul Felder to former mayoral candidate Ruth Messinger, everyone in New York seems to have an opinion about Rudolph Giuliani's personal life. As a Roman Catholic who had his first marriage (to his second cousin) annulled and whose second marriage ended in a divorce punctuated with tawdry tabloid headlines, could Giuliani gain the support of religious conservatives for a national campaign? Complete with an in-depth exploration of Rudy's response to the September 11th terrorist attacks, Giuliani is must reading for devotees of politics and anyone interested in Rudolph Giuliani as a possible presidential contender.
Reviews
Review Quotes
* RUDY Giuliani has gone from being America''s mayor to our top political paradox. How could a pro-choice, pro-gay rights, pro-gun control, twice-divorced centrist lead the early polling in the 2008 Republican presidential primaries? Conventional wisdom says that social conservatives who dominate the GOP primary process just don''t know Rudy''s record. Once they see that the emperor has no clothes - or, rather, likes to wear women''s clothes - his numbers will slip and his prospects will sink. That line, repeated by Democrats across New York, may prove to be true. But don''t be so quick to write off Rudy. Deconstruct that conventional wisdom, and you find that it rests on shaky premises, knee-jerk biasesand, perhaps most importantly, a fundamental misunderstanding of the post-9/11 political climate. Of course, Giuliani''s had a rough week or two; even if he''s still the front-runner, he''s hardly a sure thing for the nomination. He raised an impressive $10 million in March alone, but keep in mind that his high standing in the polls has a lot to do with the relative weakness of the current field, which could change. That said, I suspect the "Rudy can''t win" mantra is being driven as much by Democratic fear and loathing - of both conservatives and Giuliani himself - as by Republican politics and performance. As Deborah Hart Strober and Gerald Strober''s "Flawed or Flawless" amply documents through dozens of interviews with friends and foes alike, liberals widely despise Giuliani. Not just because they see him as a racially insensitive, rights-suppressing bully, but because he succeeded in this big blue city largely because of his hard-charging style, not despite it. To these liberals, Giuliani winning the GOP nomination is doubly scary: He threatens their worldview - and, worse, as a socially tolerant 9/11 hero, he''s probably the biggest threat to beat the Democratic nominee. So when they say he can''t win, part of what they''re really saying is they don''t want him to win. More important, though, is how the left sees the right. The way many of my Democratic friends view evangelicals, and conservatives more broadly, is best summed up by the infamous Washington Post mischaracterization"poor, uneducated and easy to command." So in their eyes, what''s wrong with Kansas will prove to be what''s wrong with Rudy''s campaign. That glib analysis is flawed, though. It treats movement conservatives as an unthinking monolith and wrongly presumes they would never tolerate or nominate a moderate. Democrats also ignore the conservative appeal of Giuliani''s strong moral streak, which he memorably demonstrated in his 1999 confrontation over the Brooklyn Museum''s controversial "Sensation" exhibit. That''s probably not enough to compensate for his apostasies on abortion and gay rights, but at a minimum it''ll help him connect with some less-doctrinaire primary voters and likely mollify others'' concerns about his cultural profile. But liberals'' big error here is to dramatically discount the long-term political impact of 9/11. They just don''t see how the terrorist attacks of that day, and the ongoing threat of jihadism, have transformed millions of Americans (especially on the right) into security-first voters. This is the pre-eminent, transcendent issue for this generation of conservatives, and Rudy''s credentials are saint-like. Remember, conservatives willingly overlooked Ronald Reagan''s divorce at a time when divorce was a much bigger political taboo than it is today. To righties of that generation, fighting Communism was the preeminent, transcendent cause, and Reagan was peerless when it came to waging and winning the Cold War. (It didn''t hurt that he was a tax-cutting zealot, too.) One of Giuliani''s considerable advantages, much like Reagan, is the president he would replace. Many voters saw Reagan''s strength and clarity as welcome antidotes to Jimmy Carter''s weakness and malaise. To today''s Republicans, Giulia
RUDY Giuliani has gone from being America''s mayor to our top political paradox. How could a pro-choice, pro-gay rights, pro-gun control, twice-divorced centrist lead the early polling in the 2008 Republican presidential primaries? Conventional wisdom says that social conservatives who dominate the GOP primary process just don''t know Rudy''s record. Once they see that the emperor has no clothes - or, rather, likes to wear women''s clothes - his numbers will slip and his prospects will sink. That line, repeated by Democrats across New York, may prove to be true. But don''t be so quick to write off Rudy. Deconstruct that conventional wisdom, and you find that it rests on shaky premises, knee-jerk biases-and, perhaps most importantly, a fundamental misunderstanding of the post-9/11 political climate. Of course, Giuliani''s had a rough week or two; even if he''s still the front-runner, he''s hardly a sure thing for the nomination. He raised an impressive $10 million in March alone, but keep in mind that his high standing in the polls has a lot to do with the relative weakness of the current field, which could change. That said, I suspect the "Rudy can''t win" mantra is being driven as much by Democratic fear and loathing - of both conservatives and Giuliani himself - as by Republican politics and performance. As Deborah Hart Strober and Gerald Strober''s "Flawed or Flawless" amply documents through dozens of interviews with friends and foes alike, liberals widely despise Giuliani. Not just because they see him as a racially insensitive, rights-suppressing bully, but because he succeeded in this big blue city largely because of his hard-charging style, not despite it. To these liberals, Giuliani winning the GOP nomination is doubly scary: He threatens their worldview - and, worse, as a socially tolerant 9/11 hero, he''s probably the biggest threat to beat the Democratic nominee. So when they say he can''t win, part of what they''re really saying is they don''t want him to win. More important, though, is how the left sees the right. The way many of my Democratic friends view evangelicals, and conservatives more broadly, is best summed up by the infamous Washington Post mischaracterization-"poor, uneducated and easy to command." So in their eyes, what''s wrong with Kansas will prove to be what''s wrong with Rudy''s campaign. That glib analysis is flawed, though. It treats movement conservatives as an unthinking monolith and wrongly presumes they would never tolerate or nominate a moderate. Democrats also ignore the conservative appeal of Giuliani''s strong moral streak, which he memorably demonstrated in his 1999 confrontation over the Brooklyn Museum''s controversial "Sensation" exhibit. That''s probably not enough to compensate for his apostasies on abortion and gay rights, but at a minimum it''ll help him connect with some less-doctrinaire primary voters and likely mollify others'' concerns about his cultural profile. But liberals'' big error here is to dramatically discount the long-term political impact of 9/11. They just don''t see how the terrorist attacks of that day, and the ongoing threat of jihadism, have transformed millions of Americans (especially on the right) into security-first voters. This is the pre-eminent, transcendent issue for this generation of conservatives, and Rudy''s credentials are saint-like. Remember, conservatives willingly overlooked Ronald Reagan''s divorce at a time when divorce was a much bigger political taboo than it is today. To righties of that generation, fighting Communism was the preeminent, transcendent cause, and Reagan was peerless when it came to waging and winning the Cold War. (It didn''t hurt that he was a tax-cutting zealot, too.) One of Giuliani''s considerable advantages, much like Reagan, is the president he would replace. Many voters saw Reagan''s strength and clarity as welcome antidotes to Jimmy Carter''s weakness and malaise. To today''s Republicans, Giuliani offers the same tough-on-terror leadership that has bonded conservatives to President Bush. But he also comes with an impressive record as a governmental CEO - a stark contrast to Bush''s bungling on Iraq and Katrina. Thus, by nominating Giuliani, Republicans would neutralize the competence issue and take divisive social issues off the table - while focusing the debate on their strength, security. It is plausible that a critical mass of Republicans could make such a pragmatic choice and put winning over purity - just as Democrats thought they were doing by picking war hero John Kerry over the unelectable Howard Dean in 2004. Whether Giuliani''s 9/11 halo is powerful enough to overshadow his cultural deviations and personal shortcomings with enough primary voters to buy him a fair hearing on other issues, like tax cuts and judges and immigration, remains to be seen. But so far, Rudy seems to be on the right track. Dan Gerstein, a political consultant, formerly advised Connecticut Sen. Joe Lieberman and Nassau County Executive Tom Suozzi. ( New York Post , April 8, 2007)
This item was reviewed in:
Booklist, March 2007
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Summaries
Back Cover Copy
The right man in the right place at the worst possible time"Let's give Rudy credit: he knew that not just the people of the City of New York were going to watch his every move and listen to his every word, but that the entire world was going to be looking to him for guidance, for updates, for information, and Rudy rose to the occasion. Rudy is a seasoned politician with thirty years of law enforcement training to fall back on; he had all of his connections with the Justice Department, with the Police Department, with the law enforcement community, so he was a good mayor to have in place at the time. You were not dealing with just an act of trauma or a terrible act of natural devastation; this was an intentional act of criminal conduct, and he understood not only about preserving the crime scene but doing the rescue operation. He understood that more than other mayors would have, even if they were more popular. Rudy had command of that naturally, based on his experience, and that gave comfort to the world-that the person in charge of New York was someone who had brought the Mafia to its knees; who had taken on big business; who was not going to be intimidated. He rose to the occasion and a lot of people who hated him before 9/11 are among his biggest fans now." -Benjamin Brafman, partner, Brafman Associates, PC, from Giuliani
Back Cover Copy
The right man in the right place at the worst possible time "Let's give Rudy credit: he knew that not just the people of the City of New York were going to watch his every move and listen to his every word, but that the entire world was going to be looking to him for guidance, for updates, for information, and Rudy rose to the occasion. Rudy is a seasoned politician with thirty years of law enforcement training to fall back on; he had all of his connections with the Justice Department, with the Police Department, with the law enforcement community, so he was a good mayor to have in place at the time. You were not dealing with just an act of trauma or a terrible act of natural devastation; this was an intentional act of criminal conduct, and he understood not only about preserving the crime scene but doing the rescue operation. He understood that more than other mayors would have, even if they were more popular. Rudy had command of that naturally, based on his experience, and that gave comfort to the world-that the person in charge of New York was someone who had brought the Mafia to its knees; who had taken on big business; who was not going to be intimidated. He rose to the occasion and a lot of people who hated him before 9/11 are among his biggest fans now." -Benjamin Brafman, partner, Brafman Associates, PC, from Giuliani
Long Description
As he took charge of his city's response to the 9/11 attacks, New York City's mayor Rudy Giuliani became the most admired man in America, and perhaps the world. Featuring interviews with longtime political associates, teachers, protegees, and friends, as well as his opponents, critics, and other astute political observers, "Giuliani" presents a living portrait of one of the most prominent and controversial politicians of our era.
Main Description
As he took charge of his city's response to the 9/11 attacks, New York City's mayor Rudy Giuliani became the most admired man in America, and perhaps the world. Featuring interviews with longtime political associates, teachers, prot g es, and friends, as well as his opponents, critics, and other astute political observers, Giuliani presents a living portrait of one of the most prominent and controversial politicians of our era.
Main Description
As he took charge of his city's response to the 9/11 attacks, New York City's mayor Rudy Giuliani became the most admired man in America, and perhaps the world. Featuring interviews with longtime political associates, teachers, prot_g_es, and friends, as well as his opponents, critics, and other astute political observers, Giuliani presents a living portrait of one of the most prominent and controversial politicians of our era.
Main Description
As he took charge of his city's response to the 9/11 attacks, New York City's mayor Rudy Giuliani became the most admired man in America, and perhaps the world. Featuring interviews with longtime political associates, teachers, protégées, and friends, as well as his opponents, critics, and other astute political observers, Giuliani presents a living portrait of one of the most prominent and controversial politicians of our era.
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments
The Interviewees
The Softer, Gentler Rudy Giuliani
The Mayor's Poignant Last State of the City Address
Who Is Rudy Giuliani?
Beginnings: Brooklyn And Long Island
A Yankee Fan in "God's Kingdom": Bishop Loughlin Memorial High School
Crime Buster
From Street-Smart Rudy in the Ivy League Southern District of New York (SDNY) to Number Three in the U.S. Department of Justice and U.S. Attorney for the SDNY: A Smaller Pond in the Swim to City Hall?
Prosecutorial Hits and Misses
The Political Agenda
Act One: Rudy the Loser
Act Two, Scene One: Rudy the Winner
The First Term: January 2, 1994-December 31, 1997
Getting the Giuliani Administration Up and Running
Administrative Style
Hizzoner the Mayor: Saint Rudy or Mussolini on the Hudson?
The Mayor and the NYPD
Three Tragic Incidents: The Issue Of Excessive Force By The Nypd
Louima
Diallo
Dorismond
The Second Term: January 1, 1998-December 31, 2001
Act Two, Scene Two: Rudy the Winner
September
Heroism, Grief, and Decision
Wednesday-Morning Quarterbacking
The Aftermath
Life After City Hall
Giuliani Partners, or Rudy the Very, Very, Very Rich Man
Gazing into the Crystal Ball: The Presidency in Rudy's Future
Index
Table of Contents provided by Publisher. All Rights Reserved.

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