Catalogue


The fourth power : a grand strategy for the United States in the 21st century/
by Gary Hart.
imprint
New York : Oxford University Press, 2004.
description
ix, 187 p.
ISBN
0195176839
format(s)
Book
Holdings
More Details
imprint
New York : Oxford University Press, 2004.
isbn
0195176839
catalogue key
5189520
A Look Inside
About the Author
Author Affiliation
Former U.S. senator Gary Hart (D-Colorado) is the author of thirteen books and a leading expert on national security and American foreign policy
Reviews
Review Quotes
"Extraordinarily thought-provoking. Hart writes with great clarity and directness, yet with profound sophistication... Bush himself and his principal foreign policy advisers would be well served by reading and contemplating this book.... It provides definitions, a vocabulary, for talking aboutthe future, both foreseeable and unforeseeable. And right now, this is not being done well on either side of the national political debate."--The Baltimore Sun
"Extraordinarily thought-provoking. Hart writes with great clarity anddirectness, yet with profound sophistication... Bush himself and his principalforeign policy advisers would be well served by reading and contemplating thisbook.... It provides definitions, a vocabulary, for talking about the future,both foreseeable and unforeseeable. And right now, this is not being done wellon either side of the national political debate."--The Baltimore Sun
"Gary Hart as a senator, presidential candidate, citizen and author has always had an eye on the future. In this age of increasing tension and conflict, challenged by terrorism and anti-Americanism, he helps us understand where we are and where we might go. The remarkable thing about SenatorHart and his book, The Fourth Power, is that he continues to think deeply, beyond politics, about America's role in a new century."--Charlie Rose
"Gary Hart as a senator, presidential candidate, citizen and author hasalways had an eye on the future. In this age of increasing tension and conflict,challenged by terrorism and anti-Americanism, he helps us understand where weare and where we might go. The remarkable thing about Senator Hart and his book,The Fourth Power, is that he continues to think deeply, beyond politics, aboutAmerica's role in a new century."--Charlie Rose
"Gary Hart has written an elegant and wise book on American grand strategy. A truly strategic approach to foreign policy must encompass American ideals, domestic policy, foreign affairs, and military methods. Hart displays a mastery of all of them."--Fareed Zakaria, Editor, NewsweekInternational
"Gary Hart has written an elegant and wise book on American grandstrategy. A truly strategic approach to foreign policy must encompass Americanideals, domestic policy, foreign affairs, and military methods. Hart displays amastery of all of them."--Fareed Zakaria, Editor, Newsweek International
"Gary Hart provides a needed focus on strategy, principle and national purpose. The Fourth Power couldn't come at a better time for those who seek to define and lead the discussion about America's role in a changing world." --William S. Cohen, 20th U.S. Secretary of Defense
"Gary Hart provides a needed focus on strategy, principle and nationalpurpose. The Fourth Power couldn't come at a better time for those who seek todefine and lead the discussion about America's role in a changing world."--William S. Cohen, 20th U.S. Secretary of Defense
"Gary Hart, who tried to alert the nation before 9/11, has written a concise, graceful, and important book reminding Americans that our greatest long-term strength lies in the principles that most Americans take for granted."--Ambassador Richard Holbrooke
"Gary Hart, who tried to alert the nation before 9/11, has written aconcise, graceful, and important book reminding Americans that our greatestlong-term strength lies in the principles that most Americans take forgranted."--Ambassador Richard Holbrooke
"Hart offers a conceptual framework in which a 'fourth power--the power of [our] principle[s]' must be added to traditional American economic, political and military power as a major strategic asset internationally.... In their current formulation, [Hart's ideas] could prove important as soonas next year. An active Kerry for President campaigner, Hart could be a senior appointee in a Kerry administration." --The Washington Post Book World
"Hart offers a conceptual framework in which a 'fourth power--the power of[our] principle[s]' must be added to traditional American economic, politicaland military power as a major strategic asset internationally.... In theircurrent formulation, [Hart's ideas] could prove important as soon as next year.An active Kerry for President campaigner, Hart could be a senior appointee in aKerry administration." --The Washington Post Book World
"Hart questions notions of preemption and preventive war.... [He] offers a conceptual framework in which a "fourth power" -- "the power of principle" -- must be added to traditional American economic, political and military power as a major strategic asset internationally.... In their current formulation, [his ideas] could prove important as soon as next year. An active Kerry for President campaigner, Hart could be a senior appointee in a Kerry administration.
"Readers are taken through an exceptionally well-crafted national securityhypothesis.... sharp and eloquent."--Boulder Daily Camera
"The Fourth Power is a well-reasoned, trenchant extended essay about the place in the world for the United States of America.... His manifesto makes so much sense, a cynic is tempted to say, that it will never become the foundation of U.S. government behavior."--The Denver Post
"The Fourth Power is a well-reasoned, trenchant extended essay about theplace in the world for the United States of America.... His manifesto makes somuch sense, a cynic is tempted to say, that it will never become the foundationof U.S. government behavior."--The Denver Post
"The Fourth Power [offers] sweeping recommendations for how America should orient its foreign policy in the 21st century. Hart's timely central argument an alternative to both the neoimperialist impulses of the Bush administration and the creeping Kissingerian realism of the Kerry campaignisthat the traditional military, political and economic powers of American foreign policy should be constrained by and imbued with a fourth power, America's unique principles. To those who advocate a crusading foreign policy of preemption to 'rid the world of evil' and spread democracy--even at thepoint of a gun--Hart argues that the first casualty would often be America's moral authority: 'There is a vast difference between advocating, as I do, that America live up to its own principles and advocating, as the Bush administration does, that the rest of the world live up to America'sprinciples.'"--The New York Times Book Review
"The Fourth Power [offers] sweeping recommendations for how America shouldorient its foreign policy in the 21st century. Hart's timely central argument analternative to both the neoimperialist impulses of the Bush administration andthe creeping Kissingerian realism of the Kerry campaignis that the traditionalmilitary, political and economic powers of American foreign policy should beconstrained by and imbued with a fourth power, America's unique principles. Tothose who advocate a crusading foreign policy of preemption to 'rid the world ofevil' and spread democracy--even at the point of a gun--Hart argues that thefirst casualty would often be America's moral authority: 'There is a vastdifference between advocating, as I do, that America live up to its ownprinciples and advocating, as the Bush administration does, that the rest of theworld live up to America's principles.'"--The New York Times Book Review
" The Fourth Power [offers] sweeping recommendations for how America should orient its foreign policy in the 21st century. Hart's timely central argument an alternative to both the neoimperialist impulses of the Bush administration and the creeping Kissingerian realism of the Kerry campaignis that the traditional military, political and economic powers of American foreign policy should be constrained by and imbued with a fourth power, America's unique principles. To those who advocate a crusading foreign policy of preemption to 'rid the world of evil' and spread democracy--even at the point of a gun--Hart argues that the first casualty would often be America's moral authority: 'There is a vast difference between advocating, as I do, that America live up to its own principles and advocating, as the Bush administration does, that the rest of the world live up to America's principles.'"-- The New York Times Book Review "Hart offers a conceptual framework in which a 'fourth power--the power of [our] principle[s]' must be added to traditional American economic, political and military power as a major strategic asset internationally.... In their current formulation, [Hart's ideas] could prove important as soon as next year. An active Kerry for President campaigner, Hart could be a senior appointee in a Kerry administration." -- The Washington Post Book World " The Fourth Power is a well-reasoned, trenchant extended essay about the place in the world for the United States of America.... His manifesto makes so much sense, a cynic is tempted to say, that it will never become the foundation of U.S. government behavior."-- The Denver Post "Extraordinarily thought-provoking. Hart writes with great clarity and directness, yet with profound sophistication... Bush himself and his principal foreign policy advisers would be well served by reading and contemplating this book.... It provides definitions, a vocabulary, for talking about the future, both foreseeable and unforeseeable. And right now, this is not being done well on either side of the national political debate."-- The Baltimore Sun
"The Fourth Power[offers] sweeping recommendations for how America should orient its foreign policy in the 21st century. Hart''s timely central argument an alternative to both the neoimperialist impulses of the Bush administration and the creeping Kissingerian realism of the Kerry campaignis that the traditional military, political and economic powers of American foreign policy should be constrained by and imbued with a fourth power, America''s unique principles. To those who advocate a crusading foreign policy of preemption to ''rid the world of evil'' and spread democracy--even at the point of a gun--Hart argues that the first casualty would often be America''s moral authority: ''There is a vast difference between advocating, as I do, that America live up to its own principles and advocating, as the Bush administration does, that the rest of the world live up to America''s principles.''"--The New York Times Book Review "What is refreshingly absent is any hint of rancor, political grandstanding or high-pitched vitriol. Instead, the readers are taken through an exceptionally well-crafted national security hypothesis...The Fourth Power is sharpand eloquent."--Boulder Daily Camera "Hart offers a conceptual framework in which a ''fourth power--the power of [our] principle[s]'' must be added to traditional American economic, political and military power as a major strategic asset internationally.... In their current formulation, [Hart''s ideas] could prove important as soon as next year. An active Kerry for President campaigner, Hart could be a senior appointee in a Kerry administration." --The Washington Post Book World "The Fourth Poweris a well-reasoned, trenchant extended essay about the place in the world for the United States of America.... His manifesto makes so much sense, a cynic is tempted to say, that it will never become the foundation of U.S. government behavior."--The Denver Post "Extraordinarily thought-provoking. Hart writes with great clarity and directness, yet with profound sophistication... Bush himself and his principal foreign policy advisers would be well served by reading and contemplating this book.... It provides definitions, a vocabulary, for talking about the future, both foreseeable and unforeseeable. And right now, this is not being done well on either side of the national political debate." --The Baltimore Sun "Gary Hart has written an elegant and wise book on American grand strategy. A truly strategic approach to foreign policy must encompass American ideals, domestic policy, foreign affairs, and military methods. Hart displays a mastery of all of them."--Fareed Zakaria, Editor,NewsweekInternational "Gary Hart, who tried to alert the nation before 9/11, has written a concise, graceful, and important book reminding Americans that our greatest long-term strength lies in the principles that most Americans take for granted."--Ambassador Richard Holbrooke "Twenty five years ago, Gary Hart was a standout among politicians in thinking creatively and constructively about American defense. Over the last decade, he has been prescient in warning about the threat of terrorism on American soil. WithThe Fourth Powerhe takes a systematic and sweeping look at a Grand Strategy most likely to make the United States secure. This is a serious and provocative work, by a man who has earned America''s attention."--James Fallows of theAtlantic Monthlyand author ofNational Defense "Gary Hart provides a needed focus on strategy, principle and national purpose.The Fourth Powercouldn''t come at a better time for those who seek to define and lead the discussion about America''s role in a changing world." --William S. Cohen, 20th U.S. Secretary of Defense "Gary Hart as a senator, presidential candidate, citizen and author has always had an eye on the future. In this age of increasing tension and conflict, challenged by terrorism and anti-Americanism, he helps us understand where we are and where we might go. The remarkable thing about Senator Hart and his book,The Fourth Power, is that he continues to think deeply, beyond politics, about America''s role in a new century."--Charlie Rose
"Twenty five years ago, Gary Hart was a standout among politicians in thinking creatively and constructively about American defense. Over the last decade, he has been prescient in warning about the threat of terrorism on American soil. With The Fourth Power he takes a systematic and sweepinglook at a Grand Strategy most likely to make the United States secure. This is a serious and provocative work, by a man who has earned America's attention."--James Fallows of the Atlantic Monthly and author of National Defense
"Twenty five years ago, Gary Hart was a standout among politicians inthinking creatively and constructively about American defense. Over the lastdecade, he has been prescient in warning about the threat of terrorism onAmerican soil. With The Fourth Power he takes a systematic and sweeping look ata Grand Strategy most likely to make the United States secure. This is a seriousand provocative work, by a man who has earned America's attention."--JamesFallows of the Atlantic Monthly and author of National Defense
"What is refreshingly absent is any hint of rancor, political grandstanding or high-pitched vitriol. Instead, the readers are taken through an exceptionally well-crafted national security hypothesis... The Fourth Power is sharp and eloquent."--Boulder Daily Camera
This item was reviewed in:
Booklist, July 2004
New York Times Book Review, July 2004
Washington Post, July 2004
To find out how to look for other reviews, please see our guides to finding book reviews in the Sciences or Social Sciences and Humanities.
Summaries
Bowker Data Service Summary
This work outlines a broad set of large purposes - achieving security, expanding opportunity, and promoting democracy - to which America's economic, political, and military powers may be applied. Gary Hart refutes preemption and empire, and argues for the fourth power - the power of principle.
Long Description
Today, even as America asserts itself globally, it lacks a grand strategy to replace "containment of communism." In this short, sharp book, Gary Hart outlines a new grand strategy, one directing America's powers to the achievement of its large purposes. Central to this strategy is the power of American ideals, what Hart calls "the fourth power." Constitutional liberties, representative government, press freedom - these and other democratic principles, attractive to peoples worldwide, constitute a resource that may prove as important to national security and the national interest in this dangerous new century as traditional military, economic and political might. Writes Hart: "The idea that government exists to protect, not oppress, the individual has an enormous power not fully understood by most Americans who take this principle for granted from birth. Far more nations will follow us because of the power of this ideal than the might of all our weapons." Against those who view America's noblest values as an inconvenience or even hindrance to the exertion of influence abroad, Hart warns that we ignore principle only at our peril. Such an approach may serve short-term goals, but there are costs; among them is the compromising of a crucial strategic asset, America's fourth power. Certain objectives require a military response--few serious people would disagree. The question is "whether America's purposes are best achieved through empire and force or through principle and persuasion." To suggest the former, Hart argues, is to misread both history and our current revolutionary age, one where terrorism, the internationalization of markets, information technology, eroding nation-state authority and other realities demand not doctrines of superstate unilateralism and preemption but rather appreciation for new collective security structures, international regulatory bodies, even forms of collaborative sovereignty. Applying the best insights of strategy to statecraft, Hart finds fuzziness, overreaching, and "theological" simplicity in America's current foreign policy. Nor does he believe the war on terror, necessary in the near term, will itself serve to chart America's larger strategic course. A bracing vision of an America responsive to a full spectrum of global challenges, The Fourth Power calls for a deeper understanding both of the threats we face and the profound strengths at our disposal to fight them.
Long Description
Today, even as it asserts itself globally, America lacks a grand strategy to replace the Cold War's 'containment of communism'. In this visionary book, Gary Hart, until recently co-chair of the U.S. Commission on National Security in the 21st Century, outlines a new principled approach, based on the power of American ideals, its 'fourth power'. Constitutional liberties, representative government, press freedom, and democratic principles, he argues, constitute a resource which is attractive to peoples worldwide, and may prove as important to national security as the three traditional powers -- military, economic, and political might.
Main Description
Today, even as America asserts itself globally, it lacks a grand strategy to replace "containment of communism." In this short, sharp book, Gary Hart outlines a new grand strategy, one directing America's powers to the achievement of its large purposes. Central to this strategy is the power of American ideals, what Hart calls "the fourth power." Constitutional liberties, representative government, press freedom--these and other democratic principles, attractive to peoples worldwide, constitute a resource that may prove as important to national security and the national interest in this dangerous new century as traditional military, economic and political might. A bracing vision of an America responsive to a full spectrum of global challenges, The Fourth Power calls for a deeper understanding both of the threats we face and the profound strengths at our disposal to fight them.
Main Description
Today, even as America asserts itself globally, it lacks a grand strategy to replace "containment of communism." In this short, sharp book, Gary Hart outlines a new grand strategy, one directing America's powers to the achievement of its large purposes. Central to this strategy is the power of American ideals, what Hart calls "the fourth power." Constitutional liberties, representative government, press freedom - these and other democratic principles, attractive to peoples worldwide, constitute a resource that may prove as important to nationalsecurity and the national interest in this dangerous new century as traditional military, economic and political might. Writes Hart: "The idea that government exists to protect, not oppress, the individual has an enormous power not fully understood by most Americans who take this principle for granted from birth. Far more nations will follow us because of the power of this ideal than the might of all our weapons." Against those who view America's noblest values as an inconvenience or even hindrance to the exertion of influence abroad, Hart warns that we ignore principle only at our peril. Such an approach may serve short-term goals, but there are costs; among them is the compromising of a crucial strategicasset, America's fourth power. Certain objectives require a military response--few serious people would disagree. The question is "whether America's purposes are best achieved through empire and force or through principle and persuasion." To suggest the former, Hart argues, is to misread both history and our currentrevolutionary age, one where terrorism, the internationalization of markets, information technology, eroding nation-state authority and other realities demand not doctrines of superstate unilateralism and preemption but rather appreciation for new collective security structures, internationalregulatory bodies, even forms of collaborative sovereignty. Applying the best insights of strategy to statecraft, Hart finds fuzziness, overreaching, and "theological" simplicity in America's current foreign policy. Nor does he believe the war on terror, necessary in the near term, will itself serve to chart America's larger strategic course. A bracingvision of an America responsive to a full spectrum of global challenges, The Fourth Power calls for a deeper understanding both of the threats we face and the profound strengths at our disposal to fight them.
Main Description
Today, even as America asserts itself globally, it lacks a grand strategy to replace "containment of communism." In this short, sharp book, Gary Hart outlines a new grand strategy, one directing America's powers to the achievement of its large purposes. Central to this strategy is the power of American ideals, what Hart calls "the fourth power." Constitutional liberties, representative government, press freedom - these and other democratic principles, attractive to peoples worldwide, constitute a resource that may prove as important to national security and the national interest in this dangerous new century as traditional military, economic and political might. Writes Hart: "The idea that government exists to protect, not oppress, the individual has an enormous power not fully understood by most Americans who take this principle for granted from birth. Far more nations will follow us because of the power of this ideal than the might of all our weapons." Against those who view America's noblest values as an inconvenience or even hindrance to the exertion of influence abroad, Hart warns that we ignore principle only at our peril. Such an approach may serve short-term goals, but there are costs; among them is the compromising of a crucial strategic asset, America's fourth power. Certain objectives require a military response--few serious people would disagree. The question is "whether America's purposes are best achieved through empire and force or through principle and persuasion." To suggest the former, Hart argues, is to misread both history and our current revolutionary age, one where terrorism, the internationalization of markets, information technology, eroding nation-state authority and other realities demand not doctrines of superstate unilateralism and preemption but rather appreciation for new collective security structures, international regulatory bodies, even forms of collaborative sovereignty. Applying the best insights of strategy to statecraft, Hart finds fuzziness, overreaching, and "theological" simplicity in America's current foreign policy. Nor does he believe the war on terror, necessary in the near term, will itself serve to chart America's larger strategic course. A bracing vision of an America responsive to a full spectrum of global challenges,The Fourth Powercalls for a deeper understanding both of the threats we face and the profound strengths at our disposal to fight them.
Table of Contents
Introductionp. 3
Strategy in an Age of Revolutionp. 17
Our Principles as an Element of Strategyp. 36
America's Large Purposes in the New Centuryp. 47
Security in the Twenty-first Century: A Larger Understandingp. 65
Principled Engagement: Expanding Security through Opportunityp. 89
The New Security and the Use of Military Powerp. 107
Who We Are: Temptations of Empirep. 125
Restoring the Republic...and Its Principlesp. 151
Conclusionp. 159
Appendixp. 165
Notesp. 171
Table of Contents provided by Ingram. All Rights Reserved.

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