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A companion to multiconfessionalism in the early modern world [electronic resource] /
edited by Thomas Max Safley.
imprint
Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2011.
description
xi, 500 p. : map ; 25 cm.
ISBN
9789004206977 (hardback : alk. paper)
format(s)
Book
More Details
added author
imprint
Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2011.
isbn
9789004206977 (hardback : alk. paper)
restrictions
Licensed for access by U. of T. users.
catalogue key
11664378
 
Includes bibliographical references and index.
A Look Inside
About the Author
Author Affiliation
Thomas Max Safley is Professor of History at the University of Pennsyl vania. He has published extensively on the social and economic history of early modern Europe, in which multiconfessionalism played a substantial role.
Excerpts
Introduction or Preface
MULTICONFESSIONALISM: A BRIEF INTRODUCTIONIn the sixteenth century, Christianity blew apart. In what seemed to contemporaries a cataclysm, the speed and scope of which evoked forebodings of doom, the end of days, the unity of the Christian church and Christian worship came to an end. Yet, Christianity had a long history of fragmentation before the Reformation. Even in the first generation, the Council of Jerusalem or Apostolic Council, described in the Book of Acts, marked a potential parting of the ways, a fate avoided only at the last minute through Paul’s persuasive powers and Peter’s willingness to compromise. The East-West Schism, which resulted in the emergence of two great Christian traditions that would eventually become known as the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church, involved a gradual separation over a number of issues that reached its climax in the mutual excommunications of the eleventh century. It has not been entirely resolved to this day. In the twelfth century the Waldensian movement coalesced around the person and teachings of Peter Waldo, who advocated lay preaching, voluntary poverty, and strict Biblicism as the essential elements of Christianity, and broke with Roman, papal authority only to suffer brutal persecution before retreating into the high valleys of the Piedmont. Isolated communities still exist. Similarly, the followers of Jan Hus took up their leader’s call for the strictly literal interpretation of the Bible, the no less strict limit on the authority of popes, and, most famously, the celebration of the Eucharist in both kinds, broke violently with Rome in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. They survive as the Moravian, Bohemian Brethren, and Czech Hussite churches. The process has accelerated over time. Christianity today comprises seven major blocks, 156 ecclesiastical traditions, and over 22,000 denominations in varying degrees of communion or competition with each other. For all the tendency of Christians to divide against themselves, however, something of a consensus existed in the West during the Middle Ages. The Waldensians, Hussites, and a very few others survived only by retreating far into the wilderness or enlisting the armed protection of powerful patrons. Their embattled persistence proves their exceptional status. Such schismatics notwithstanding, the dominant Roman church relied successfully on a combination of coercion and compromise to fold periodic reforming movements back into itself. The Cistercians and the Franciscans, for example, remained orthodox for all the heterodox potential of their visions of true Christianity. This is not to say that the Church was itself static, applying fixed notions of authority or orthodoxy. Quite the contrary, as medievalists since Richard Southern have argued , it existed in dynamic relationship to the political, social, and material circumstances of its day. Though its organization reached from the Curia romana via archdiocese and diocese to churches and chapels in nearly every corner of Europe, Christians perceived its authority variously, depending upon the articulations of power and the dictates of geography at the local level. Though the Gospels presented the life of Christ in relatively consistent fashion, they inspired the widest possible variety of imitations among clergy and laity. Though “orthodoxy” described the teachings of the Church, theologians actively discussed and debated its content with the result that it became less a straight-and-narrow path than a broad, occasionally murky zone. “Heresy” likewise applied less to clear deviations from the orthodox than to vague, because constantly shifting, attempts to practice a Christ-like life. But, such dynamism in no way prevented western Christians from reaching general agreement in the Middle Ages about what Christianity entailed. Allowing for a certain variation of detail and degree, they acknowledged the same authoritative text, the same clerical hierarchy, the same liturgical calendar, and the same transcendent relationship. Despite all earlier movements of reform, of which there were many, Christians returning constantly to the Gospel well-spring for renewed perspective and conviction, the Reformation may thus be regarded as unprecedented. Prior to the sixteenth century, the range of issues that caused debate and division remained limited. Questions of papal authority, clerical discipline, Christian life, or theological interpretation arose at one point or another but seldom all at the same time. The Reformation included a cacophony of voices and a multitude of texts that questioned and addressed the entire range of Christian teaching and life: God’s nature, God’s relationship to creation, God’s revelation, Christian comportment, Christian worship, and Christian truth. It seemed that the entire Christian religion had come suddenly under assault or, viewed from the perspective of those seeking change, opened finally to renewal. Nor was the range of debate the only characteristic to set the Reformation apart. The sixteenth century witnessed a level of passion and violence that may well have seemed singular to those who lived through it. Violence marked, of course, the responses to Waldo and Hus and, so, obtained not only in the sixteenth century. But seldom had it reached such a pitch and ubiquity. The Reformation set neighbor against neighbor and parents against children, turned friends into foes and adversaries into allies, across the continent. Arguments gave way to blows, which easily provoked riots. Blood was shed and lives lost. Martyrs endured torment and death singing, rather than abjuring. Wars erupted in the Empire, France, and the Low Countries, when the passions of religion coincided with the interests of politics. Not only people but also objects fell victim as advocates of reform defiled consecrated Hosts, destroyed religious images, and desecrated sacred places, and defenders of tradition burned Bibles and interrupted sermons. Nor, finally, were those advocates of reform and renewal themselves unified, as all attempts to capture and describe them as a single group make them seem. Many, like Erasmus, saw a clear need for change, for a return to the imitation of Christ as portrayed in the Gospels, but refused to abandon the traditional, Roman Church that could claim a direct, unbroken succession from the apostles themselves. Those who insisted that a break with a tradition grown sinfully human in their eyes was inevitable and essential splintered into an ever-increasing number of sects and churches that often opposed one another as violently and passionately as they opposed the Church of Rome. The result was a growing multiplicity of confessions.The word, “confession,” in the sense both of a “confession” of sin and of a “profession” of faith, can be found in Hebrew and Christian scriptures. The early church used it to name statements of fundamental, Christian doctrine, and several such “confessions” appeared during the course of the Middle Ages. Yet, as Jaroslav Pelikan and Valerie Hotchkiss make clear, “it was with the Reformation of the sixteenth century that ‘confession of faith’ as a theological and literary form distinct from ‘creed’ came into its own and achieved dominance.” The sheer number and variety of these documents astonishes. Those that were not more personal in nature came to represent statements of eternal truth on such topics as Christology, theology, ecclesiology, liturgy, and morality for communities of Christians dispersed across a multiconfessional landscape. Historians have long recognized the growing number of confessions that mark the sixteenth century as early as the 1520s. Ernst Walter Zeeden wrote of Konfessionsbildung as a process of internal, doctrinal, and liturgical innovation, the proliferation of statements or documents of var
Introduction or Preface
MULTICONFESSIONALISM: A BRIEF INTRODUCTIONIn the sixteenth century, Christianity blew apart. In what seemed to contemporaries a cataclysm, the speed and scope of which evoked forebodings of doom, the end of days, the unity of the Christian church and Christian worship came to an end.Yet, Christianity had a long history of fragmentation before the Reformation. Even in the first generation, the Council of Jerusalem or Apostolic Council, described in the Book of Acts, marked a potential parting of the ways, a fate avoided only at the last minute through Paul's persuasive powers and Peter's willingness to compromise. The East-West Schism, which resulted in the emergence of two great Christian traditions that would eventually become known as the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church, involved a gradual separation over a number of issues that reached its climax in the mutual excommunications of the eleventh century. It has not been entirely resolved to this day. In the twelfth century the Waldensian movement coalesced around the person and teachings of Peter Waldo, who advocated lay preaching, voluntary poverty, and strict Biblicism as the essential elements of Christianity, and broke with Roman, papal authority only to suffer brutal persecution before retreating into the high valleys of the Piedmont. Isolated communities still exist. Similarly, the followers of Jan Hus took up their leader's call for the strictly literal interpretation of the Bible, the no less strict limit on the authority of popes, and, most famously, the celebration of the Eucharist in both kinds, broke violently with Rome in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. They survive as the Moravian, Bohemian Brethren, and Czech Hussite churches. The process has accelerated over time. Christianity today comprises seven major blocks, 156 ecclesiastical traditions, and over 22,000 denominations in varying degrees of communion or competition with each other.For all the tendency of Christians to divide against themselves, however, something of a consensus existed in the West during the Middle Ages. The Waldensians, Hussites, and a very few others survived only by retreating far into the wilderness or enlisting the armed protection of powerful patrons. Their embattled persistence proves their exceptional status. Such schismatics notwithstanding, the dominant Roman church relied successfully on a combination of coercion and compromise to fold periodic reforming movements back into itself. The Cistercians and the Franciscans, for example, remained orthodox for all the heterodox potential of their visions of true Christianity. This is not to say that the Church was itself static, applying fixed notions of authority or orthodoxy. Quite the contrary, as medievalists since Richard Southern have argued , it existed in dynamic relationship to the political, social, and material circumstances of its day. Though its organization reached from the Curia romana via archdiocese and diocese to churches and chapels in nearly every corner of Europe, Christians perceived its authority variously, depending upon the articulations of power and the dictates of geography at the local level. Though the Gospels presented the life of Christ in relatively consistent fashion, they inspired the widest possible variety of imitations among clergy and laity. Though orthodoxy described the teachings of the Church, theologians actively discussed and debated its content with the result that it became less a straight-and-narrow path than a broad, occasionally murky zone. Heresy likewise applied less to clear deviations from the orthodox than to vague, because constantly shifting, attempts to practice a Christ-like life. But, such dynamism in no way prevented western Christians from reaching general agreement in the Middle Ages about what Christianity entailed. Allowing for a certain variation of detail and degree, they acknowledged the same authoritative text, the same clerical hierarchy, the same liturgical calendar, and the same transcendent relationship.Despite all earlier movements of reform, of which there were many, Christians returning constantly to the Gospel well-spring for renewed perspective and conviction, the Reformation may thus be regarded as unprecedented. Prior to the sixteenth century, the range of issues that caused debate and division remained limited. Questions of papal authority, clerical discipline, Christian life, or theological interpretation arose at one point or another but seldom all at the same time. The Reformation included a cacophony of voices and a multitude of texts that questioned and addressed the entire range of Christian teaching and life: God's nature, God's relationship to creation, God's revelation, Christian comportment, Christian worship, and Christian truth. It seemed that the entire Christian religion had come suddenly under assault or, viewed from the perspective of those seeking change, opened finally to renewal. Nor was the range of debate the only characteristic to set the Reformation apart. The sixteenth century witnessed a level of passion and violence that may well have seemed singular to those who lived through it. Violence marked, of course, the responses to Waldo and Hus and, so, obtained not only in the sixteenth century. But seldom had it reached such a pitch and ubiquity. The Reformation set neighbor against neighbor and parents against children, turned friends into foes and adversaries into allies, across the continent. Arguments gave way to blows, which easily provoked riots. Blood was shed and lives lost. Martyrs endured torment and death singing, rather than abjuring. Wars erupted in the Empire, France, and the Low Countries, when the passions of religion coincided with the interests of politics. Not only people but also objects fell victim as advocates of reform defiled consecrated Hosts, destroyed religious images, and desecrated sacred places, and defenders of tradition burned Bibles and interrupted sermons. Nor, finally, were those advocates of reform and renewal themselves unified, as all attempts to capture and describe them as a single group make them seem. Many, like Erasmus, saw a clear need for change, for a return to the imitation of Christ as portrayed in the Gospels, but refused to abandon the traditional, Roman Church that could claim a direct, unbroken succession from the apostles themselves. Those who insisted that a break with a tradition grown sinfully human in their eyes was inevitable and essential splintered into an ever-increasing number of sects and churches that often opposed one another as violently and passionately as they opposed the Church of Rome. The result was a growing multiplicity of confessions.The word, confession, in the sense both of a confession of sin and of a profession of faith, can be found in Hebrew and Christian scriptures. The early church used it to name statements of fundamental, Christian doctrine, and several such confessions appeared during the course of the Middle Ages. Yet, as Jaroslav Pelikan and Valerie Hotchkiss make clear, it was with the Reformation of the sixteenth century that 'confession of faith' as a theological and literary form distinct from 'creed' came into its own and achieved dominance. The sheer number and variety of these documents astonishes. Those that were not more personal in nature came to represent statements of eternal truth on such topics as Christology, theology, ecclesiology, liturgy, and morality for communities of Christians dispersed across a multiconfessional landscape.Historians have long recognized the growing number of confessions that mark the sixteenth century as early as the 1520s. Ernst Walter Zeeden wrote of Konfessionsbildung as a process of internal, doctrinal, and liturgical innovation, the proliferation of statements or documents of varying form and content that identified churches that sh
First Chapter
CONFESSIONS The fragmentation of Christendom in the sixteenth century engendered an ocean of words: sermons and songs, treatises and diatribes, testimonies and accusations. People seized words to articulate what they held to be true Christianity, the way to honor God, the relationship of Christ to humankind. And as those words were uttered or printed, others attacked them—for their imprecision, for their falseness, for the ways they misled. Lay men and women spoke of Christ’s sacrifice and atonement for all humankind. Priests spoke of the sacrifice of the altar. Martin Luther called for every Christian to be able to recite the Ten Commandments. John Calvin taught a different numbering of the Commandments. A multitude of texts accelerated that fragmentation, as sermons, liturgies, catechisms, treatises, satires, dialogues, plays, and confessions took up words, clauses, sentences, to articulate what their authors held to be true: about the nature of God; Christ’s two natures, divine and human; God’s relationship to humankind; the nature of worship, how one honored God, in the language of the time; how one should live in the world as a Christian. Hundreds of texts engendered angry responses. More texts. In that sea of words, one genre sought to be both durable and comprehensive: confessions. Unlike diatribes and hundreds of treatises, confessions were not intended to be polemical—with its particular construction of bipolarities and its reduction of opponents to risible caricatures. They were not framed in relationship to any opponent, straw or real, against whom they formulated positions. None drew upon the weapons of satire: irony, exaggeration, caricature. Unlike sermons and dialogues, their function was not proselytizing. Confessions did not seek to convince: to move through their rhetoric the mind or heart of their readers. They did not need to: the relationship of author, text, and reader was singular. Most broadly defined, confessions were professions of faith, the declaration of what the author or authors held to be true, absolutely and unconditionally. More than any other kind of text, confessions arose from the epistemology of revealed truth. For their authors, their truths were self-evident: they needed neither proving nor any human rhetorical devices to demonstrate their truth. Some, such as Hans Denck’s, were formulated in the first person singular: I believe. Others spoke in the first person plural: we believe. Still others stated the tenets of their doctrine without reference to any subject. No matter the voice, however, the truths articulated in the text were not held to be subjective: while authors of confessions believed them or set them to paper, for them, those truths existed autonomously of any human being. The author of the text bound himself to those truths by setting them to paper, but they did not depend upon him. No matter the size or shape, confessions shared the claim to state what was true absolutely—for the author, for a small group gathered in a single place in a particular moment, for persons scattered across the face of the globe, for all persons in all places in all times. For their authors, their truths held no matter where they were, who was reading them, under what conditions. While they varied in length from a few pages to small books, all sought to be comprehensive. Most encompassed statements of theology, christology, anthropology, ecclesiology, liturgy, and ethics. Some, such as The Belgic Confession, circulated in manuscript before being printed. Some remained manuscript. As printed objects they did not all have the same heft or look. They shared no particular order: most, but not all, began with God. But all sought to encompass those points of doctrine their authors held essential to true Christianity. Finally, the confessions that became supralocal and transregional struck a singular balance—something different from those personal statements, such as Denck’s confession or Huldrych Zwingli’s Sixty-Seven Articles or Fidei ratio, that were influential, but not definitive of the dispersed Churches of the sixteenth century. Frequently written in the rapidly changing political landscape of Europe, many in direct response to a particular moment, confessions that came to serve as definitive of Churches consisted of statements of durable, abiding truths that resonated as true for diverse Christians, for Christians who were splintering from one another. The authors found the words that Christians in La Rochelle and Picardy, or Augsburg and Wittenberg, or Amsterdam and Antwerp found true, abidingly, unconditionally. Confessions and Confessionalization When Ernst Walter Zeeden published Die Entstehung der Konfessionen in 1964, he spoke of konfessionell unterschiedener Kirchentypen [confessionally differentiated types of Churches]. He was using the term as it came to be understood after the sixteenth century, as designating a group or Church, who shared a liturgy, a catechism, and a set of statements of theological, christological, liturgical, and ethical positions. Zeeden himself was concerned with the process by which the Lutheran territorial Church was formed and Catholicism rebuilt after the Reformation. Wolfgang Reinhardt and Heinz Schilling put the term confessionalization into circulation. In 1977, Reinhardt argued for the age of confessions, in which Die Bewegung der Gegenreformation ist parallel und häufig in Konkurenz zur Reformation an der Modernisierung der europäischen Gesellschaft beteiligt. Als übergeordnete Epochenbezeichnung wird erneut konfessionelles Zeitalter empfohlen, weil so das Schema zeitlicher Antithetik durch die Vorstellung paralleler Entwicklung ersetzt werden kann und der Begriff der Confessio quellenkonform sowohl ein kirchengeschichtliches als auch ein sozialgeschichtliches Verständnis ermöglicht. In his work, Schilling developed the model of confessionalization: I understand the confessionalization of German cities and territories to be an internally consistent process resulting in the theological, ideological, and political formation of the three large confessional churches as well as their corresponding power blocs. That sense of a relatively consistent process, in which elites both political and clerical inculcate populations, has been eroded through scholarship, foremost on early modern states and on the problem of reception. Research on the empire, principalities, free imperial cities, and kingdoms has revealed they were less efficient and faced far more effective opposition, resistance, adaptation, and negotiation. Studies of preaching and printing have differentiated audiences and readerships in the plural—not simply elite and popular, but emigree and local, Francophone and Genevois, rural and urban. Texts are, in Thomas Greene’s wonderful word, vulnerable, open to multiple readings, as studies of biblical exegesis, foremost, have shown. The uniformities that underlie the model of confessionalization—of dissemination and reception, of coercion and acquiescence—cannot be sustained in the face of the differentiation of political authorities and administrations, listeners and readers. Oddly, most studies of confessionalization do not look directly at the texts of confessions themselves, either as a genre or as the printed object that grounded the Churches of the later sixteenth century and afterwards. They do not consider the ways the texts themselves might have participated, even precipitated the process: through the genre of confessions, through voice, through the process of formulation, through the notion of signing, and through the emergence of confessions as the document by which persecuting authorities often identified divergent Christians. The word, confession, can be found in both Old and New Testaments. In the Book of Daniel, for instance, he says, I prayed to the LORD my God and made confession, saying, "O Lord, the great and terrible God, who keepest covenant and steadfast love with those who love him and keep his commandments [9:4]. Paul uses the word twice in the Epistle to Timothy, and three times in the Epistle to the Hebrews, for instance: Since then we have a great high priest who has passed through the heavens, Jesus, the Son of God, let us hold fast our confession [4:14]. In the early church it was used to name documents which stated core tenets of Christian doctrine, such as those of Ulphilas and Eunomius in 383. Prior to the sixteenth century, western and eastern Christians had formulated a number of confessions, which shared with creeds the statement of what those confessing believed. According to Jaroslav Pelikan and Valerie Hotchkiss In spite of some precedents in earlier formularies, most notably in such documents as The Decree for the Armenians of the Council of Florence of 22 November 1439, it was with the Reformation of the sixteenth century that ‘confession of faith’ as a theological and literary form distinct from ‘creed’ came into its own and achieved dominance. Perhaps the greatest difference from earlier centuries is the sheer number of confessions and confessional texts in the sixteenth century. In his anthology, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche, E.F Karl Müller gathered some forty-three texts from Zwingli’s Sixty-Seven Articles to the Canons of the Synod of Dort. In their anthology, Pelikan and Hotchkiss collect some twenty-four texts that bear the name Confession, in addition all those, such as Zwingli’s Articles, that do not. At the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, in addition to the Confession that bears the name of the Diet, two other confessions, The Tetrapolitan and Zwingli’s Fidei ratio, were also presented. For Pelikan and Hotchkiss, the age of confessions encompasses thousands of pages of texts, from which they have selected some eight hundred pages as representative, but not exhaustive. So, too, confessions as printed objects that circulated were new to the sixteenth century. Print was a relatively new medium, allowing divergent voices a form that gave their words wide circulation and a certain stability. Denck’s Confession, for instance, written at the behest of the Nuremberg City Council, circulated among Anabaptists, shaping subsequent formulations. As printed object, different confessions could circulate in new ways: not simply or even primarily through official channels of promulgation, but hand to hand. As printed object, confessions could move clandestinely, their content providing the touchstone for scattered communities under the cross, so that they saw themselves as connected to a larger Church, transregional, supralocal, bound by faith in the precisely formulated sentences of their confession. As confessions circulated, a number formed communities of dispersed Christians, and communities that might not—in stark contrast to the imperial intent at Nicaea—have had legal recognition at all. Sixteenth-century confessions emerged in a different world from that of Nicaea. No emperor convened an ecumenical church council in the sixteenth century, in which divergent voices might have found ways of speaking that bridged their differences. The Augsburg, French, and Belgic Confessions were all formulated by religious minorities facing sovereigns who sought their eradication. The Scots Confession, The Thirty-Nine Articles, and The Westminster Confession were in some ways closer to the Nicene Creed: actively supported by, respectively, the Scots Parliament, Queen Elizabeth I, and the Long Parliament, these were political documents as well as statements of faith, efforts to unify subjects as much as to declare truths. At Nicaea, there was one acknowledged sovereign, the Roman Emperor Constantine. In sixteenth-century Europe, there were kings and an emperor, princes and magistrates. Even as the Emperor supported fully the Church that had been defined in important ways at Nicaea, and even as he longed for the same clarity of imperial power, he did not possess it: his power could neither unify the Church nor suppress divergent voices. Thus, in the sixteenth century, confessions were not the product of an ecumenical council, called to restore unity. Multiple confessions emerged, around which communities did form, but they formed around them in ways inseparable from the fragmented political landscape of sixteenth-century Europe. No one factor explains how some became normative, some not. The Augsburg, Tetrapolitan, and Second Helvetic Confessions, as well as The Thirty-Nine Articles were all written in direct response to the request from sympathetic temporal lords for a statement of doctrine. The Tetrapolitan Confession proved transient, despite the support of the governments of Strasbourg, Memmingen, Constance, and Lindau. The Augsburg Confession proved durable, despite the minority of its supporters at the Diet. The Second Helvetic Confession continues to serve as a core text for the the Bohemian Brethren in the Czech Republic, the Christian Reformed Church, the Presbyterian Church in the United States, the Reformed Church in America, and the Reformed Church of Hungary. The Schleitheim, French, and Belgic Confessions were written by persecuted minorities. The Belgic Confession first circulated underground among a persecuted minority; only two copies of its original text survived the order to burn them; and yet, it was adopted in Antwerp (1566), Wessel (1568), Emden (1571), Dort (1574), and Middelburg (1581), before being revised and adopted at the Synod of Dort in 1618-19 as one of three defining statements of faith for the Dutch Reformed Church. The confessions about which we know anything moved from hand to hand, place to place, community to community. Like Augustine’s Confessions, these confessions moved from the I or we, who held the statements to be true, outward to unknown, faceless readers. Unlike many printed texts, most confessions stipulated neither who their readers should be nor how the texts were to be read. As we know of The Augsburg and Belgic Confessions, they circulated clandestinely as well as publicly, the paths of their clandestine circulation largely unknown to this day. They were not, in other words, narrowly official documents promulgated by governments, but texts, primarily printed, that circulated with the same freedoms and constraints of other texts: prohibited in some places, promulgated in others, read clandestinely in some places, read aloud in public fora in others. In gathering together personal statements as well as texts that became normative for regional and transregional communities, and organizing them into traditions, anthologies of Confessionsor Bekenntnisschriften, such as Pelikan and Hotchkiss, illumine a number of the ways sixteenth-century confessions were intertextual. They enable us to see where texts that became collectively normative drew upon personal statements such as Denck’s Confession or Zwingli’s Sixty-Seven Articles. The confessions of those who came to be organized in the Lutheran and Reformed Churches frequently cited both biblical sources and creeds and confessions of the early Church; anthologies allow us to see more precisely the contours of those citations. So, too, anthologies allow us to see how definitive Confessions—The Augsburg, French, Belgic, Scots, and Second Helvetic Confessions, The Thirty-Nine Articles of England, and The Tridentine Profession of Faith—both explicitly and implicitly situated themselves within textual communities and textual traditions. Each was embedded in textual traditions. The Augsburg Confession was a revision of the Schwabach and Torgau Articles. The Thirty-Nine Articles drew upon The Thirteen Articles of 1538, The Six Articles of 1543, The Forty-Two Articles of 1553, and The Eleven Articles of 1559-60. All confessions
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Summaries
Back Cover Copy
The 17 chapters examine how the experience of daily, regular contact with individuals and groups, who believed and worshipped differently, influenced the solidarity, discipline and coherence of a confession. The volume offers sections devoted to the Holy Roman Empire, Eastern Europe, France, the Low Countries and Britain, early modern states in which multiconfessionalism existed in one form or another, even if only in a limited scope or for a limited time. Each section includes an "overview" as well as two “case-studies.”
Bowker Data Service Summary
In the 16th century, the Christian church fragmented into a multiplicity of confessions that has grown to the present day. These essays demonstrate that multiconfessionalism was the rule rather than the exception for most of early modern Europe.
Description for Reader
All those interested in the history of early modern Europe, the history of the Reformation, the history of religion, the history of the church and the history of law, as well as social, political, and cultural historians.
Long Description
In the sixteenth century, the Christian church and Christian worship fragmented into a multiplicity of confessions that has grown to the present day. The essays in this volume demonstrate that multiconfessionalism, understood as the legally recognized and politically supported coexistence of two or more confessions in a single polity, was the rule rather than the exception for most of early modern Europe. The contributors examine its causes and effects. They demonstrate that local religious groups across the continent could cooperate with confessional opponents and oppose political authorities to make decisions about their religious lives, depending on local conditions and contingencies. In so doing, this volume offers a new vision of religion, state, and society in early modern Europe.Contributors include: Bernard Capp, John R. D. Coffey, J r mie Foa, David Frick, Raymond Gillespie, Benjamin Kaplan, Howard Louthan, David Luebke, Keith Luria, Guido Marnef, Graeme Murdock, Richard Ninness, Penny Roberts, Jesse Spohnholz, Peter Wallace, Lee Palmer Wandel.
Main Description
religion, society, confession, politics, law, history, Europe, early modern
Table of Contents
Notes on Contributorsp. ix
Multiconfessionalism: A Brief Introductionp. 1
Confessions
Confessionsp. 23
The Netherlands
Confessional Coexistence in the Early Modern Low Countriesp. 47
Multiconfessionalism in a Commercial Metropolis: The Case of 16th-Century Antwerpp. 75
"In Equality and Enjoying the Same Favor": Biconfessionalism in the Low Countriesp. 99
The Holy Roman Empire
A Multiconfessional Empirep. 129
Protestant Imperial Knights, Multiconfessionalism, and the Counter-Reformationp. 155
Multiconfessionalism in the Holy Roman Empire: The Case of Colmar, 1550-1750p. 179
France: An Overviewp. 209
Peace Commissioners at the Beginning of the Wars of Religion: Toward an Interactionist Interpretation of the Pacification Process in Francep. 239
One Town, Two Faiths: Unity and Exclusion during the French Religious Warsp. 265
Multiconfessionalism in Early Modern Britainp. 289
Early Modern Ireland as Multiconfessional Statep. 317
European Multiconfessionalism and the English Toleration Controversy, 1640-1660p. 341
Central Europe
Multiconfessionalism in Central Europep. 369
Multiconfessionalism in Transylvaniap. 393
Five Confessions in One City: Multiconfessionalism in Early Modern Wilnop. 417
Works Citedp. 445
Indexp. 477
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